Welcome to the second installment of a series of blogs revolving around the literature, religion, and history of captivity narratives, authored by religious collections assistant Colby Townsend!
Trigger warning: Historical usage of the word “savage” in reference to Native American peoples, as well as generalized mentions of child murder.
Table of Contents
- Indian Captivity Narratives, Cont.
- Resources for Studying Indian Captivity Narratives
- Indian Captivity in Fiction
- Conclusion
Indian Captivity Narratives, Cont.
In Part One of this series on eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century captivity narratives I described the larger genre and its subgenres and then provided summaries of the Indian captivity narratives in the Lilly Library’s holdings up to the early 1820s with some description of the materials themselves. In this second part, I will continue describing the rest of the Lilly’s Indian captivity narratives up to the middle of the nineteenth century, with some nineteenth- and twentieth-century reprints of earlier Catholic narratives. I also include two bibliographies of Indian captivity narratives from the Newberry Library in Chicago, Illinois from the early twentieth century as well as examples of Indian captivity in early American fiction. All of these materials are crucial for the study of early American Indian captivity narratives and speak to the social, religious, gendered, and political norms and expectations of the seventeenth- through the early nineteenth-century settings that these captivity narratives were written in. As highlighted by the Newberry Library’s bibliographies, there are far more captivity narratives extant than are held at the Lilly Library or any one institution, so the hope with this series is to invite both students and scholars to utilize these resources at the Lilly Library in their future study.
As the editors of the recent Broadview Anthology of American Literature have explained, this Indian captivity narrative, like so many others, breaks from common generic conventions of the Indian captivity narrative because it “is in actuality an adoption and transculturation narrative” (Seaver 11). Jemison, who was captured along with her family by Shawnee and French attackers when she was fifteen, was soon after adopted into the family of two Seneca sisters and lived the rest of her life among the Haudenosaunee tribe. She married twice and had several children, some of them later being part of the treaties that would lead to the expulsion of the Haudenosaunee from their native lands in New York. After its original publication in 1824, Jemison’s narrative grew in popularity to international fame. According to Tiffany Potter and Willow White, “the book sold over 100,000 copies in its first year, and was being reprinted in England by 1826″ (Seaver 9). The Lilly copy is that first London edition printed in 1826.
This amount of fame also brought shifting interpretations of the narrative itself, which were primarily reinterpretations of Jemison’s life through the lens of debates regarding religion. The original editor/author, James E. Seaver, died in 1827, only three years after the initial publication of the book. James’s brother, William Seaver, edited a second edition that was published in 1842 and included several significant additions that did not originate with either Jemison or James Seaver. As Potter and White make clear, “substantive changes made by the editor Ebenezer Mix…incorporate the claim, originally made by Christian missionaries Asher and Laura Wright, that Jemison had converted to Christianity on her deathbed…creating alignment between Jemison’s story and the conversion narrative genre” (Seaver 16). After this edition, the narrative was read primarily in the context of the discourse surrounding Christian missionary work, conversion narratives, and nineteenth-century Anglo-American fears about “going native” (Brantlinger 65-85). Still in print, this captivity narrative continues to be read today from a variety of vantage points.
Due to damage and heavy use over the years, the Lilly copy is missing many pages, including pages 27–34, 91–92, 157–179, and all the end papers. The last missing section includes the last part of a description in the Appendix on religion, feasts, and sacrifice, as well as completely missing the sections in the Appendix on Native American dances, government, population, courtship, family government, funerals, Native American credulity, farming by Native American women, timekeeping and recordkeeping, anecdotes, and geography of the area that Jemison lived in. Both our copies, the 1826 and 1841 (images below) editions, are brittle. The 1841 edition includes images that attempt to set the scene of Jemison’s life for the reader, depicting her capture and one of her husbands.
In 1792, Mary Jane Harbison (also called Mercy and Massy/Massey) and her three children were captured by a group of thirty Native Americans, two she recognized as Seneca and two others as Munsees who had previously come to the shop to get their guns repaired. Her youngest son was killed at her house, and she and her oldest son and infant were marched away from home, where her husband had been working as a spy watching the movements of Native Americans in the area after being part of St. Clair’s defeat at the Battle of the Wabash in 1791. Though her oldest son was also killed soon after they were taken by the Native Americans, Harbison was only in captivity for several days and managed to escape and walk back to safety with her baby in her arms. According to statements that the editor, John Winter, included with the narrative, Harbison returned in poor condition. The earliest version of this captivity narrative is Harbison’s affidavit given to the magistrates in Pittsburgh upon her return from captivity in 1792 and has been reprinted several times, most famously in Horace Kephart’s 1915 collection, Captives Among the Indians: First-hand Narratives of Indian Wars, Customs, Tortures, and Habits of Life in Colonial Times.
When he was around nine years old John Tanner was taken captive off of his family’s farm by Odawa Indians to replace a Native American son that had recently died. Adopted into the family of Manito-o-geezhik, John is given the Ojibwe name Shaw-shaw-wa ne-ba-se (“the Falcon”). He is treated poorly by his adoptive father until he is purchased and adopted by Net-no-kwa, who he understood to be the female chief of the Ottawas. The narrative is autobiographical in nature, though it is written and described through the editor, Edwin James. Tanner lived with his Native American family for thirty years before becoming an interpreter for Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, an early ethnologist that studied Native American culture. Scholars approach Tanner’s captivity narrative as an autobiographical Indian account, since he was taken young and lived with his adopted family for so long, eventually having his own children with his Native American wife. His narrative is also important for what it says about the ways that Anglo-American ethnologists worked to silence Native American voices, not allowing them to speak to their own experiences and histories. Tanner’s narrative is supplemented, also, by appendices created by James, the editor, that include lists of Native American vocabulary from a wide variety of dialects. It is a useful source for understanding not only captivity narratives but also the development of autobiography, ethnology, and the constraints on the subject put in place by early American scholars working in these fields.
In the lead up to the 1832 Black Hawk War, members of the Sac and Fox tribes attacked a settlement of around twenty families near Indian Creek and Fox River in Illinois. Two sisters, Frances and Almira Hall, were taken captive while the rest of their family were killed in the attack. During their march to a Native American settlement, they find out that they are going to become the adopted wives of two younger Indian chiefs, as the editor, William P. Edwards, called them. Before that happens, they are ransomed for several dozen horses and other types of payment and are set free, despite the initial protests of the two chiefs. The narrative then focuses on Philip Brigdon, a Kentucky hunter that the group the Halls were with find on their way back to their tribe. He is held captive for twenty-two days, when he is able to break free of the cords binding him to a tree after the tribe is alerted to an incoming militia from Illinois and Kentucky and flee to a different settlement, forgetting him in the process. The narrative then ends, and Edwards appends two sections to close the book, one on “Indian depredations,” that repeats some of the information in the narrative with the text of a hand bill that had been published after the Hall sisters were captured and called on all citizens to engage with the Native American tribes in war. The second section, “Customs of the western savages,” is five and a half pages of descriptions of the Sac and Fox weaponry, housing, military units, ways of adopting captives, culture and disposition, and other subjects Edwards felt the reader would be interested in.
Although originally published in New Hampshire in 1796, this copy of A Narrative of the Captivity of Mrs. Johnson was printed in New York in 1841. According to Charles Evans’s American Bibliography (entry 30180), it was reprinted seven times in American editions and two times in British editions up to the publication of this volume of his bibliography in 1910, so it was a popular captivity narrative. In the second edition, which this 1841 printing follows closely, Johnson added material to the beginning of the text that describes her family history in the US (to the extent that she could reconstruct it), the story of how her Irish husband came to the States, and sections on the “Situation of the Country in 1744,” “Charlestown,” and “Removal to Charlestown.” In this edition the original introduction, which runs only four pages, is labelled “Cursory Notices,” and leads directly into chapter one. Johnson comments briefly on the genre of Indian captivity just before ending the introduction, noting that “Our country has so long been exposed to Indian wars, that recitals of exploits and sufferings, of escapes and deliverances, have become both numerous and trite” (20). She assures her reader that she will simply stick to the facts as she describes her four-year captivity.
Similar to many of the captivity narratives from this period, Johnson’s narrative of her captivity occurs in the wake of the French and Indian War (1754–1763). Where it slightly differs, though, is that her captivity is only briefly spent as a captive of Native Americans. The large majority of her time spent in captivity is in a French jail in Canada after she and her husband are accused of working for Britain during the war. It also differs in that everyone that is captured in their group in 1754 remains alive while in captivity. The only person that dies in the narrative from the original group is her husband, and that is only after returning to the US and being asked to join the war. Johnson also shares a very nuanced view of what it is to be human, beyond nationalist and racist assumptions about individuals. In some ways she blames the French for her family’s suffering more than the Native Americans that captured them, in other ways she deplores specific French individuals more than her Native American captors, and she has a deep fondness for many French and Native American people throughout her story.
After being requested by the editors of the Western Christian Advocate in 1834 to write about the experiences of his family moving to “the west” (i.e., Cincinnati, Ohio) in the early 1790s and his experience in Indian captivity in 1792, Oliver Spencer found his narrative to be so successful that it was worth turning the series from the newspaper into a standalone book. The context around Spencer’s authorship and the content itself highlight the close connections between the captivity narrative genre and its relationship with religion. The editors of the Western Christian Advocate believed that the narrative would be instructive, entertaining, and faith affirming for younger members of their Christian audience. Although there are some passages that include descriptions of violence and gore, this captivity narrative is written in a style reminiscent of the nineteenth-century novel. Both Spencer and the newspaper’s editors wanted younger audiences to find the narrative captivating, and they wanted them to take lessons about the earlier hardship of pioneers in the Midwest as blessing them with the peaceful lives they believed them to have.
Written forty years after the events occurred, Spencer narrates a lively tale about his family’s move from the Eastern states to Columbia, what would become Cincinnati, and the battles in the early 1790s between the American continental army and Native American tribes. In particular, and related to the narrative by Massy Harbison above, Spencer describes the defeat of St. Clair’s army in November 1791. This plays the same role for Spencer’s narrative as it does for Harbison’s as the backdrop and cause for Native American hostility. Spencer was captured at age ten on the evening of July 4, 1792, by two Shawnee men after they attacked a small group he was near by the shore of what would later be called the Ohio River. He was only held captive until the next February, when his freedom was purchased, and was sad to leave because he had become close with many of the Native Americans he had gotten close with, though his narrative does make the occasional argument for supporting Native American removal. Rather than going home to Columbia (i.e., Cincinnati) at the end of the narrative, he is taken back to his family’s original home in New Jersey and arrives there on July 3, 1793, just in time to experience home life and freedom on July 4, one year after he was captured.
In 1856 John Gilmary Shea, an American Catholic historian and author, collected and published six early accounts of Catholic missionaries in the Americas and their experiences with being shipwrecked and taken into Indian captivity. Split up into six chapters, most of the accounts begin with an editorial introduction about the missionary’s (or missionaries’, depending on the chapter) life and then a translation of the narrative into English. The sixth chapter, though, is more like a reprint of The Voyage of Rev. Father Emmanuel Crespo (1742), complete with a title page, dedication, and editor’s preface, and the reprint takes up the last seventy-six pages of the book. Shea explains in his preface to the collection how “No works are more popular, or generally read, than those describing the periods by sea and land, through which the writers have passed” (v). He mentions Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe (1719) as part of the reason why this genre or topic has been so popular but makes a case for reading historical narratives like it. According to Shea, these narratives, in particular, have religious importance and can help instruct children and adults alike in the proper way of living a religious life in the face of violence and injustice in the world, though violence and injustice can be enjoyed at a distance within the pages of a book.
Similar to Shea’s Perils of the Ocean and Wilderness above, this captivity narrative is a later translation and publication of early Catholic priests and their experiences in Indian captivity. In this case, Theodore Besterman (1904–1976), the editor, provides an account of captivity from Jean de Brébeuf (1593–1649) himself to his superiors overseeing the mission in Canada.
The book does not include a table of contents, but it has a sixteen-page introduction by Besterman that he broke down into seven sections. In it, Besterman provides historical context for Brébeuf’s story, describing the first European arrivals to Canada and the French and Catholic relationships with Native American tribes. After the introduction, Besterman has two letters by Brébeuf from 1635 and 1636. The second letter is the longest in the book, where Brébeuf explains his experiences with the Huron in 1636. This letter is so long and detailed that Brébeuf divides the main text into two parts. After the second part, which ends on page 167, he includes ten more letters from Brébeuf describing his travels and experiences. The threat of Indian captivity was always something that Brébeuf and his colleagues had to worry about, especially in the lead up to the year, 1649, that Brébeuf himself was captured and killed. Prior to this, several priests had been taken into captivity and then killed throughout the 1640s, often described by Brébeuf’s contemporaries as ritual killings. After the Iroquois had destroyed the village at Saint-Louis, where he was living at the time, Brébeuf himself was tortured and killed. Witnesses to his death soon reported this to other Catholic authorities and they confirmed he had died. This book tells the story that led up to his own capture while also describing in detail the relationship between the Catholic missions and Native American tribes in Canada.
Resources for Studying Indian Captivity Narratives
Two additional materials in the Lilly Library collections are helpful for scholars studying Indian captivity narratives, though they are resources that largely point to archives outside of the Lilly. Still, they provide an enormous amount of information that will help to set up a solid foundation for the academic study of captivity narratives. Both describe the holdings of the Newberry Library in Chicago, and this first volume was published by the library in 1912 to help its patrons as they studied Indian captivity in North America. According to the introductory note, their holdings in 1912 mainly came from the Ayer Collection, and they note that Mr. Ayer collected these books and manuscripts with the goal “to procure all obtainable books and manuscripts which record the first contact of the white man with every known tribe of North American Indians” (viii). Under that larger umbrella, this bibliography of about 111 pages, provides a sizable amount of material and content description for their holdings. The entries are in alphabetical order by author and include shortened bibliographic information and in many cases a brief summary of the narrative’s contents. At the end, from pages 112–120, there is an index of the names of captives.
Sixteen years after the Newberry published the previous bibliography, they released a supplement provided by Clara A. Smith, the custodian of the Ayer Collection, that expanded on the first volume. Smith added another 43 pages of bibliography, or, as Smith put it, “The first list contained 339 titles, this supplement…143” (vii). It included different editions of some items in the first bibliography, “but it also contains the narrated experiences of 78 captives who were not named in the first list” (vii). Including these two bibliographies into one’s study opens the student or scholar of Indian captivity narratives to a far larger data set than the list I have been able to put together here at the Lilly, and it is worth mining these important resources as we study captivity narratives.
Indian Captivity in Fiction
First written in 1779, The History of Maria Kittle was published only posthumously when it appeared in five installments of the New York Magazine, or Literary Repository, between September 1790 and January 1791. This captivity narrative is instructive and helps us to complicate our understanding, as so many captivity narratives do but this one especially well, of the relationship between fiction and history. I have chosen to include it in this section on Indian captivity in fiction mainly because so much secondary literature treats it as fictional, but important work of the last two decades has shown that the narrative apparatus Bleecker added to the story is, in fact, not fictional. She claimed to have heard Maria Kittle’s story from an unnamed (“Mrs. C—— V——”) kinswoman near the end of Kittle’s life and the narrative is apparently supported by a memoir. In any case, the information Bleecker received was at best secondhand and then filtered through the conventions of the epistolary novel, the captivity narrative, the sentimental novel, and Bleecker’s own experience in losing close family members to violence by both Native Americans and British soldiers during the War for American Independence (Harris 80–112).
The narrative begins on the New York frontier at Maria’s home during the French and Indian War. Her husband is away and Native Americans attack, killing her children and other family members, like her brother-in-law and his pregnant wife, and taking her into captivity. As the captive group travels to Montreal, Maria suffers on the journey through both physical and mental anguish, especially due to the loss of her children. As in many captivity narratives, Maria is not given enough food or water, though she does meet a “noble savage” that provides her with food. Once they arrive in Montreal, Maria is able to get a ransom so that she can be returned to her husband, who soon arrives in Montreal to take her home. The entire narrative is written as a letter and, though it might seem fictional, the addressee, Susan Ten Eyck, is Bleecker’s half-sister. Scholars have long argued that this narrative needs more scholarly attention.
Part of the transatlantic Godwinian school (Clemit), Charles Brockden Brown believed that the American landscape provided a new setting for authors of Gothic romances and set out to write his own romances that would take advantage of this. During the roughly two year period between 1798–1800, Brown published four Gothic romances that would become his most famous literary productions. One of them, Edgar Huntly (1799), would include an embedded story about a girl that had been captured by Native Americans and rescued, partially by luck and accident, by Edgar himself. This example is fascinating because of the way that Brockden Brown casually embeds a captivity narrative and rescue at a pivotal moment in the story, highlighting the popularity of Indian captivity narratives at the end of the eighteenth century.
Written as an epistolary novel to his fiance, Edgar began the story investigating the death of his friend and her brother, Waldegrave, and, believing he found the murderer one night at the scene, goes on a series of adventures. These adventures include the realization that the man, who was sleepwalking near the murder scene, was not guilty of the crime but had a checkered past. Eventually, Edgar himself begins to sleepwalk, and in one episode, wakes up in a dark cave with no recollection of how he got there. When he leaves the cave, he comes upon five Native Americans, one standing guard and four sleeping. He hears moans and realizes that they have captured a young girl. Hesitating, Edgar realizes he cannot escape without killing at least the Indian that is standing guard, even though he has never killed anyone before. He feels like he should also kill the sleeping Indians to rescue the girl, but is too nervous to put into action any of the possible plans that come to mind.
Edgar ends up killing the guard and pushing his body into a crevice, then tries to make his escape. Feeling guilty, he decides to go back and rescue the girl. He cuts the rope binding her, and they sneak away from the sleeping Native Americans. After carrying her for a time, she is able to walk and they try to make their way through a rugged forest, eventually finding wheel tracks and following them to a small cottage. She explains to Edgar how her home was attacked by Indians and how she believes her entire family was killed. The girl falls asleep on the bed and Edgar hears and then sees three people outside talking. Realizing that these are the Indians that were asleep, he prepares himself to fight them. He realizes there is a way to sneak outside and does so, then he waits for the men to go inside the cottage. He hears thuds and believes they have killed the girl, but then one of them comes out of the cottage dragging the girl. Edgar fires one his muskets and kills the man, then, as another comes outside, he shoots him as well. Running over to grab the gun from the man he killed first, the final Native American attempts to fire at him through the holes in the walls of the cottage, grazing Edgar’s cheek. Hiding in a bank, Edgar waits until the final man comes out of the building and kills him as well. The girl had been bludgeoned on her side, believing she had broken ribs, but was healthy and safe. After a few minutes, a larger party comes out of the woods and approaches the girl and Edgar. It happens to be a party that was searching for her, and they are excited she is alive and safe. While the new group asks Edgar and the girl questions, Edgar faints and, when he awakens, the party has left him for dead.
Only twenty-two when Hobomok was published, Lydia Maria Child would later become an outspoken abolitionist and lose some of the publishers and supporters of her work, though she published widely on abolition and edited the National Anti-Slavery Standard. In this novel, Child subverts the conventions of the Indian captivity genre by replacing the regular terror induced by a real or fictional account of capture and captivity among Native Americans with the choice of the protagonist, Mary Conant, to go and not only live with natives but marry one, Hobomok. This takes place in early colonial New England during the late 1620s. Mary’s father is a Puritan and deeply involved in his congregation. He forbids his daughter from marrying Hobomok, though Hobomok has been a friend of the Conant family and helped protect them against Indian aggression. After she believes that the man she loves, Charles Brown, has died at sea, she decides to abandon the colony and marry Hobomok against her father’s wishes. They love each other and have a baby and after three years Mary discovers that Charles has not died. Based on her experiences growing up near the Penobscot and Abenaki tribes, Child had sympathy for Native Americans and reflected that in her novel. Still, at the end of the story, Hobomok represents the vanishing Indian as he steps out of the way for Charles Brown and allows him to marry his wife, Mary, and adopt his son, who they rename Charles. Hobomok seems to stand in as an alternative character to the usually aggressive and violent Native Americans portrayed in most Indian captivity narratives, though many of the background characters within those narratives often have similar traits as Hobomok.
The most famous of the fiction that deal with Indian captivity, James Fenimore Cooper’s The Last of the Mohicans (1826) follows the movements of Hawkeye (Natty Bumppo) and his friends Chingachgook and Uncas (Chingachgook’s son) as they try to help Major Duncan Heyward and Cora and Alice Munro in 1757, around the beginning of the French and Indian War. The Munros are the daughters of Colonel Munro, in charge of Fort William Henry. On the way, Major Heyward selects Magua, a Huron, to guide them through the forest. Magua claims it is the quickest to the fort, so they trust him. They quickly realize, mainly through Hawkeye’s observations, that Magua has been taking them in circles, though it is too late. Magua escapes after Hawkeye, Chingachgook, and Uncas attempt to capture him. They are later ambushed and Major Heyward, and the Munro sisters are captured, though Hawkeye and his friends escape down a river.
The sisters are often in captivity throughout the narrative and are then rescued, only to be captured again later. At the end of the novel, Cora is captured by Magua (who has wanted to marry Cora since the beginning) and taken up a mountain during a battle. Uncas follows Magua and they fight but Magua stabs and kills him. Hawkeye uses his rifle to shoot and kill Magua from a distance, but then a Huron kills Cora. In the end, Colonel Munro, Major Heyward, and Alice return home while Hawkeye stays with Chingachgook. Cooper leaned in on the tropes of the noble savage and the vanishing Indian to create his story while also utilizing the conventions of the Indian captivity narrative to create suspense throughout this novel.
Her fifth novel, Catharine Maria Sedgwick combined many of the conventions of the Indian captivity narrative with the new historical romance genre to create a story about lost love, captivity, political fighting, and the sad history of the relationship between European colonists and Native Americans in an early New England colonial setting. Although there are two passages in particular that feature Indian captivity, the entire narrative, spanning two volumes, is infused with issues surrounding the causes of captivity. I will briefly describe these two passages, recognizing that I am leaving out a lot of the story (as I have in other entries above) to focus on the parts that are most relevant to Indian captivity. The story is set in the seventeenth century and begins with a Puritan, William Fletcher, in England hoping to be allowed to marry his cousin, Alice. He will not be allowed to if he does not give up his Puritan religion, so he decides to move to North America and marries Martha instead. There, life is going well until William finds out that Alice and her husband have died and left their children, Alice and Mary, for him to take care of. Their names are then changed to Hope and Faith, presumably related to his Puritan faith.
Two of William’s children, Everell and Faith, are captured during an Indian attack on the colony while most of the Fletchers are killed. The leader of the attack, Mononotto, is the father of two Indian servants, Magawisca and Oneco, that were sent to William to help take care of Hope and Faith. Everell and Magawisca have become friends, so when Mononotto decides to sacrifice Everell in revenge of the loss of his son in a previous war, Magawisca intervenes to stop the sacrifice, losing her arm. Everell is able to escape, but Faith stays with the Mohawk tribe and becomes integrated with the group, later marrying Oneco. Years later, Hope wants to reunite with her sister, Faith, and works through Magawisca to do so. The Native American characters have to go into Boston in disguise and Hope realizes that Faith remembers little of their childhood and is fully part of Oneco’s family. The local authorities had received a tip that Indians were in the city, so they arrive and capture Magawisca and Faith while Oneco captures Hope. After this, Hope is shipwrecked with drunken sailors, but she convinces one of them to help her escape. Magawisca is then thrown in jail and held captive there. In the end, after several deaths and tragedies, the main protagonists have all returned home—Hope and Everell together, Faith and Oneco together—and, although nowhere near perfect, things have calmed down and they are able to look back on their adventures.
Conclusion
This concludes the second installment of this five-part series on captivity narratives. The genre varied widely and represented a rich storehouse of imagery, terminology, ideology, and structures for the telling and retelling of both fictional and non-fictional stories of captivity among Native Americans. The genre came to play a major role in the development of US national identity, especially during the Jacksonian era as the US government put genocidal removal acts into place. As is evidenced by these narratives, Indian captivity narratives rose in number through conflict started by European nations and groups. The French and Indian War, part of the larger Seven Years’ War, contributed lasting trauma that in turn created the grounds for a large number of fictional and non-fictional captivity narratives in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. These narratives are an important part of the history of European and Native interactions during these centuries, and there is still much to learn from them. Parts one and two of this series have covered Indian captivity. In the next part, I will turn to the Lilly Library’s holdings to examine slave narratives.
About the Author
Colby Townsend is a dual PhD candidate in English and Religious Studies. His dissertation examines the ways that transatlantic Romantic-era discourse around the origins of Native Americans as being from the East influenced authors of fiction, captivity narratives, and new American scripture. He is the co-editor, with Abby Clayton, of Printing New Religion: Transatlantic Movements of the Nineteenth Century (under contract with the University of Illinois Press), which is a collection of fifteen essays by scholars writing about the agential role print played in the development of New Religious Movements in the nineteenth century transatlantic world.
Works Cited and Consulted
Patrick Brantlinger, Taming Cannibals: Race and the Victorians (Cornell University Press, 2011), 65–85.
Pamela Clemit, The Godwinian Novel: The Rational Fictions of Godwin, Brockden Brown, Mary Shelley (Oxford University Press, 1993).
Sharon M. Harris, Executing Race: Early American Women’s Narratives of Race, Society, and the Law (The Ohio State University Press, 2005), 80–112.
Narratives of Captivity Among the Indians of North America: a List of Books and Manuscripts On This Subject In the Edward E. Ayer Collection of the Newberry Library. Chicago, Ill.: The Newberry Library, 1912, viii. Z1209.E25 N23
James E. Seaver, A Narrative of the Life of Mrs. Mary Jemison, edited by Tiffany Potter and Willow White (Broadview Press, 2022), 9-16.
Clara A. Smith. Narratives of Captivity Among the Indians of North America : a List of Books and Manuscripts On This Subject In the Edward E. Ayer Collection of the Newberry Library : Supplement I. Chicago, Ill.: The Newberry Library, 1928, p. vii. Z1209.E25 N23 1928
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